Karnataka government to import 500 oxygen concentrators from China

The Hindu | May 04, 2021

As part of its efforts to address the medical oxygen crisis in the State, the government has planned to import 500 oxygen concentrators from Shanghai, China, Minister for Mines and Geology and Kalaburagi in-charge Murugesh Nirani told presspersons here on Tuesday before leaving for Bengaluru to take part in a Cabinet meeting.

“I have told my contacts in Shanghai to procure 500 oxygen concentrators and send them to Bengaluru by a special flight. They are expected to arrive within four days. If they arrive as expected, I am going to send 100 to Kalaburagi, which is among the districts facing a serious oxygen crunch,” he said.

The price of the concentrators of 5 kg and 10 kg capacity, he added, range from ₹35,000 to ₹1.38 lakh. The government would purchase them at competitive prices.

“I have talked to oxygen producers operating from JSW Steel in Ballari to explore the possibility of augmenting liquid medical oxygen supply to Kalaburagi. They have responded positively and expressed their readiness to supply as much oxygen as we want. We are putting in efforts to deploy a dedicated cryogenic oxygen tanker in service for supplying the lifesaving gas to Kalaburagi. I am expecting the tanker to start transporting oxygen to Kalaburagi in a day or two,” he said.

To a question, the Minister said there was no dearth of funds for handling the pandemic. “We can even use DMF [District Mineral Foundation] funds for purchasing medical oxygen, cylinders, drugs, and other essentials required for treating COVID-19 patients,” he said.

When asked about the Opposition’s demand for the Chief Minister’s resignation in the backdrop of the Chamarajanagar tragedy, he said resignation would not solve the problem. “We should not do politics at the time of a health crisis. The Opposition leaders should, by giving appropriate suggestions, join hands with the government in tackling the pandemic,” he said.

960 mega watt Polavaram hydel power plant works gain steam

The Indian Express | May 02, 2021

The contracting agency and authorities have targeted to complete all the foundation works of the power project by May 31, according to the plan.

VIJAYAWADA:  With AP Power Generation Company (APGENCO) Ltd issuing the letter of award (LoA) for the execution of Polavaram hydroelectric power plant to Megha Engineering and Infrastructures Ltd (MEIL) a few weeks ago, the authorities have chalked out a strategy to complete the works of the 960-mega watt (MW) hydel power station in time. The contracting agency and authorities have targeted to complete all the foundation works of the power project by May 31, according to the plan.

Out of the 118.2 lakh cubic metres of foundation works, about 110 lakh cubic metres of excavation works have been completed and plans are afoot to conclude the remaining by the end of this month.  The hydel power plant, which will have 12 units of 80 MW each once complete, cleared all the legal tangles, which arose from the state government’s decision to cancel the awarded contract and go for re-tendering, in December, 2020. “After clearing the legal hurdles, the LOA of contract has been given to the contracting agency and formalities have been concluded earlier in April,” official sources said.

 As per the contract, the time for execution is 58 months. However, the officials and the contracting agency are planning to complete the works at the earliest and commission the project by 2024. While irrigation component’s head works are being taken up on priority, the power station’s works are also apace.  Meanwhile, APTRANSCO is also working on establishing necessary infrastructure for evacuation of power from the powerhouse.

For the record, the power station is coming up to the left of the spillway instead of the conventional design of being adjacent to the spillway, the officials added.  Coming up in about 107 acres of area in Angaluru village in Devipatnam mandal of East Godavari district, flood water will be released from a height of 27 metres, thereby generating hydel power.

Each unit of the powerhouse, which will have vertical generators and vertical Kaplan turbines, would have 331 cumecs of water discharge capacity and can produce 2,308.41 million units of power. A total of 24 gates with 12 intake gates, three stop log gates and 12 pressure tunnels are to be constructed.

The water reaches the power house via intake from the approach channel and following power generation it would flow back into River Godavari through the tail race channel. In the last week of December, 2020, BHEL bagged the electro mechanical works from MEIL. The scope of E and M works include manufacture and supply of hydro Kaplan turbines.

May Day 2021: What Has (Not) Changed Since the Pandemic Ravaged Livelihoods of Workers

The Wire | K.R. Shyam Sundar | May 01, 2021
Despite the government passing several laws, hurting the hard-earned labour rights over centuries, workers are staring at an uncertain phase during which neither old labour laws nor the new codes are effectively relevant.

This is the second May Day during COVID-19 and hence as dark as it was in 2020, if not darker. For several reason, it is darker in many senses for the working class. Let us briefly review what happened post-May Day 2020.

The COVID-19 2020 period witnessed several legislations both at the state and at the central levels hurting the hard-earned labour rights over centuries. Capitalising on the extraordinary situation created by the pandemic, several state governments hurriedly, and even unwisely, passed government orders extending the maximum hours of work in a day from eight to 12, and in a week from 48 to 60 hours. In Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat, the judiciary struck them down due to their illegality. On the other hand, some states dared to enter where angels feared to tread by making sweeping changes in all or some major labour laws like Factories Act, 1948, the Industrial Disputes Act, 1947, among others.

At the same time, the central government enacted three Codes – Industrial Relations Code (IRC), Occupational Safety and Health and Working Conditions Code (OSHWCC) and Social Security Code (SSC). The Codes afforded considerable flexibility to employers and contractors by exempting more establishments from regulations concerning standing orders, retrenchment and closure, safety and health, contract labour welfare, etc. The Codes provided some benefits to the working-class like universal minimum wage, trade union recognition, social security for gig and platform workers, wider definition of migrant workers, etc.

Seen holistically, the corpus of legislation provides some benefits which due to lack of effective implementation machinery and of will to implement on the part of the government mean little or even nothing; on the other hand, the employer-friendly clauses are easy to implement as they significantly reduce the role of the government in the labour market owing to increased non-coverage of establishments and workers. This is the irony of the labour laws which is often missed out by commentators. Laws deregulate and thereby cause state retrenchment.

This brings us to the issue of governance of labour market. Labour market governance majorly comprises two aspects: administration of labour laws and collection of labour statistics.

The first year of COVID-19 has so vividly and so woefully brought to life the complete absence of labour market governance. Virtually there was no record of inter-state migrant workers and what happened to them during this period of the pandemic. Even the Supreme Court wondered in 2017 that the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) did not know where Rs 20,000 crore collected under the Building and Other Construction Workers’ Cess Act, 1996, meant for spending on construction workers’ welfare had gone! Earlier in 2015, the apex court expressed displeasure over the non-utilisation of the cess fund of Rs 26,000 crore.

The unorganised workers did not receive the mandated smart registration card under the Unorganised Workers’ Social Security Act, 2008 (UNSSA). Even as the labour minister unjustifiably claimed that the OSHWCC provides better occupational safety and health protection to workers, the lack of valid and reliable statistics on industrial accidents is striking. In the meanwhile, industrial accidents have been occurring at frequent intervals in various parts of India, especially New Delhi.

What has [not] Changed?

Legislative vacuum

The four labour codes have been hurriedly passed but not notified till now. I have provided a comprehensive critique of these Codes in my book, Impact of COVID-19, Reforms and Poor Governance on Labour Rights in India (Synergy Books India, 2021).

The central government has hastily used the escape clause in the Wage Code and notified the provisions related to the constitution of the Minimum Wages Advisory Board in December 2020; however, nothing has happened yet. The industry bodies have been reportedly lobbying with the government for changes in the definition of ‘wages’ since the new definition will likely see an increased outgo in social security. Economic slowdown and COVID-19’s virulent spread has impacted businesses and trade considerably and hence the non-implementation of the new Codes, especially the Wage Code, benefits the industry.

The central government fixed April 1, 2021 as the date for the implementation of the four Codes at a stretch. However, as on April 1, 2021, many state governments have not framed the rules under the Codes, leading to a delay in their implementation. Now this has created a “legal void” which in many ways affect both industry and workers adversely. Minimum wage rates are yet to be revised based on new criteria. Social security for the gig and platform economy workers cannot be implemented. The inclusive definition of migrant workers including voluntary migrant workers along with contracted migrant workers cannot be implemented. The list is long.

The “implementing authorities” are justifiably confused as to how to make the rules under the new Codes. Neither the Centre has helped their cause nor the state governments have sought the International Labour Organization (ILO)’s technical assistance in this regard –reflective of the government’s neo-unilateralism. Given the multiple and competing commitments that the governments face during the second wave of COVID-19, one does not see the implementation of the new Codes in the near future.

The employers and workers are staring at an uncertain interregnum during which neither old labour laws nor the new Codes are effectively relevant. This is perhaps the first of its kind in the legislative history of India that the social partners and even the administering agencies are confused and uncertain.

Labour market governance deficits

During the current COVID-19 period (2021), we are witnessing the second wave of reverse migration of workers who once bitten are twice shy. Despite some state governments like Maharashtra and New Delhi having appealed to the migrant workers to stay back, thousands of them have gone back to their villages.

The first period of COVID-19 exposed the utter collapse of the labour administrative system. I have dealt with the labour market governance deficits in detail in my book mentioned above.

Here are a few points on this issue that are also mentioned with evidence in the book:

The existing unemployment insurance scheme is extremely inadequate, and during 2007-17, just about 10,000 workers claimed unemployment allowance under the ESI (Employees’ State Insurance) scheme
Several state governments did not even disburse a single rupee from the Building and Other Construction Workers (BOCW) cess fund even as the migrant-cum-construction workers were facing terrible hardships;
The state governments were poor performers in implementing the BOCW Act, 1996 despite admonitions by the Supreme Court;
The state governments, the employers and even the trade unions have been guilty of non-provision of correct, timely and reliable statistics; the labour statistical system has collapsed beyond repair and there does not exist a comprehensive and reliable labour statistical system;
The industrial disputes settlement machinery was grossly inadequate to deal with the magnitude of industrial conflicts and the dispute settlement processes suffer from inordinate delays;
The labour enforcement machinery has been considerably diluted which reflected in poor implementation of laws as evidenced by steeply declining number of inspections, prosecutions, etc.
Given the cruel and entirely unforgivable failure on the part of the government in implementing the laws concerning migrant, construction and unorganised workers, one would have thought that the governments would have sprung to rectify the huge deficits. Did they? The delay and in a significant sense the complete failure to do so is appalling.

The central government has proposed five pan-India surveys on migrant workers, domestic workers, employment generated by professionals, employment generated in transport sector and quarterly establishment-based employment survey in February 2021 – nearly a year after the first exodus of migrant workers in 2020. The government is expected to release the data on migrant workers by November 2021.

Given the magnitude of migrant workers and the dynamic nature of their work, it is doubtful whether the government would accomplish what it promises. Without a credible database, it would be difficult even for an unusually benevolent and sensitive government to reach the benefits to the targeted workers.

Even in the new dispensation, there is no plan to collect data on the service sector on a comprehensive basis and that on gig and platform economy workers. The question here is: is there a national registry of these workers? The answer is a BIG NO. The government is playing with “guesstimates” and how credible are their promises for social security cover for these workers in the absence of a credible database?

We do not have credible statistics on the newly registered construction workers in India by states. Several state governments including Delhi have announced registration drives for construction workers, but we still do not know the actual live registrations of more than 55 million construction workers who accounted for 12.14% of total employment in India during 2018-19.

While the SSC does not provide for the provision of registration cards, which went largely unnoticed, since the old law, the Unorganised Workers’ Social Security Act, 2008, is prevalent, one does not know whether any constructive move has been launched for registering these workers. The silver lining in this data mess is the officially claimed significant coverage – 86% of the beneficiaries (69 crore) under the National Food Security Act in 32 states and Union Territories – under the One Nation and One Ration Card (ONOR).

The Union Budget 2021 did not provide much comfort to the millions of informal workers. It merely reiterated the ill-formed provisions in the labour codes. The high-frequency unemployment rates produced by Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) has been higher than 6.5% and throughout April 2021. The absence of macro-level unemployment assistance/insurance scheme, especially during high unemployment-prone COVID-19 times is hugely disturbing. The government has persisted with the tough conditions-laced unemployment insurance scheme offered to workers registered under the ESI scheme.

The SSC does not provide for unemployment assistance/insurance scheme even though it included them in the definition of social security. The MNREGS often acts as a proxied unemployment assistance programme, and hence, generally when unemployment rates spike there is corresponding spikes in the demand for jobs under this scheme, as is the case in April 2021 when the demand for jobs under the scheme increased by 89%.

Given this grim reality, the fact that the budgetary allocation for this scheme for the current fiscal is 34% less than the revised allocation for it for 2020-21 is disturbing.

Absence of any form of dialogue

Enough has been said and written on the absence of and contempt for social dialogue in India even though the government has ratified the ILO Convention, C.144, Tripartite Consultation (International Labour Standards) Convention, 1976. The governments have to realise that concrete and useful relief measures cannot be framed and delivered without the aid of trade unions and other workers’ organisations. Hence, there is an urgent need for the government to activate consultation with trade unions not only for amending the defective labour codes, but also frame policies and relief measures to tackle the increasingly menacing COVID-19 this year. Trade unions and workers’ organisations can help in registration of informal workers of various kinds which by itself will be a humungous achievement for workers in India.

There is also a need for a federal dialogue, and a revival of the historically established body, the Labour Ministers’ Conference. This is essential to frame coordinated and non-duplicating measures and also enable the state governments to frame the rules under the labour codes.

If the monolithic government in China could consult the ILO while framing and reforming its labour laws, what prevents the democratic government in India from consulting the ILO is difficult to fathom. ILO has expertise which if accessed would only contribute to better lawmaking and more efficient labour market governance. Not doing so must be attributed to its unholy marriage with “neo-unilaterlism”.

Need for contemporaneous May Day charter, 2021

Thus, the working class has to be prepared to brace another “bad year” or even years in near future as it fights two adversities – COVID-19 and the neo-liberal flexible labour policy regime. Then, May Day 2021 should strengthen its resolve to fight both. It should shelve its 12-points charter of demands and make ‘Lives and livelihoods matter’ as its slogan. The specific contemporary and urgent demands include:

Amendment of labour codes to retain and improve on the existing labour rights
Immediate implementation of the labour laws relating to unorganised sector workers, including migrant, domestic, construction and new economy workers
issue smart ID cards to all these workers, involving trade unions and other workers’ organisations, and initiate a registration campaign for them
Establish a comprehensive labour statistics system in consonance with international labour statisticians’ recommendations
Declare minimum wages and occupational safety and health as fundamental rights
Declare COVID-19 as a national emergency
Ensure adequate labour administrative and judicial bodies for speedy delivery of industrial justice
Universalise social protection

Significantly, the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) has demanded occupational safety and health to be included as a fundamental human right by the ILO at the global level and this should resonate in India as well. Trade unions must leverage international organisations like ILO and ITUC to strengthen its campaign to usher in decent work and also more crucially to tackle the COVID-19-induced crisis. The four-pillar approach advocated by ILO must be at the centre of policy lobbying by trade unions. Industry could join as it stands to benefit from these campaigns as in these tough times, the interests of both converge.

Government should make suitable amendments in MMDR Act

The Hitvada | B K Shukla | 28-04-2021

Recently the Central Government amended The Mines and Minerals (Development & Regulation) Act-1957, a parent statute, which contain regulations for grant of mining leases in India. Reasons cited for amendments in the Act is to boost domestic production and to reduce import of minerals but it does not seems to achieve the object. 1. “Mining operation” occurring in Section 4A of MMDR Act-2015 is now replaced by “production and dispatch”, as result Lessee has to start production and dispatch of mineral from lease area within two years from date of executing mining lease agreement. This period of two years could be extended by maximum period of 1 year, if lessee satisfied the Government that reasons for not producing and dispatching the mineral from his mine were beyond his control. Thus after period of three years, mining lease will be lapsed.

Lapsed lease could be revived, only once during entire period of lease, if lessee satisfies the Government that reasons for not producing and dispatching the mineral from his mine were beyond his control. It is pertain to note, within above period of time, lessee has to procure all “Statuary Clearance” like environment clearance, consent to operate the mine, consent of occupier of land, Forest clearance etc. and thereafter lessee have to install plant and machinery, construct road within mine and remove over burden of mine and to continue such extraction and dispatch the mineral from the mining lease without interruption during entire period of mining lease, irrespective of market conditions, lock-down, strike, labour problems or directives of authorities not to undertake mining operation. Government should examine and consider the reasons for which the lessee could not start or continue mineral production in the mine. Shortage of minerals in the domestic market cannot be overcome by lapsing existing mining leases and allotting same, through auction, to others.

  1. Tenders for allotment of minerals blocks, through auction, were invited by the State Government from “specified category of bidders” who undertakes to consume 100% of minerals in their own industry (Captive use). Such successful bidders were not allowed to sale minerals in open market. Through amendment in Section 8 and 8A of Act, the Central Government now permit such lessees to sale up to 50% minerals so produced from auctioned mine in open market, on payment of additional amount to the State Government. Had there been this condition in the tender document to sell 50% of annual production in the open market, a number of otherwise eligible applicants would have participated in the auction process and the State Government would have fetched a better premium on allotment of such mineral blocks. Subsequent relaxation to sell mineral being contrary to terms of tender documents is therefore bad in law. According to the Ministry of Mines, one of the reasons for this amendment is to make available in open market huge quantity of mineral, extracted during the last 50 years, stocked unutilised at mine head of PSU. It is matter of record that this unutilised stock of mineral is of low grade (mineral reject) therefore same could not be utilized in mineral industries. Amendments in these provisions of law will help lessees (who before amendment were not allowed to sale their mineral in open market) to sale their high grade mineral in open market. Moreover such lessees are required to pay lesser additional amount to the State Government (at the rate zero to 50% of royalty payment) in compare to lessees, who were allowed to sale the mineral in open market, (at rate of 100 to 200% of royalty payment).
  2. The Government acknowledges, it requires longer period of time for procuring environment clearances, consent to operate the mine from PCB, Forest clearances, consent of occupier of land to enter piece of land for undertaking mining operation (in some cases, such clearances are not granted even after 10 years) and therefore by amending Section 8B of the Act, validity of such statuary clearances, if already procured by previous lessees, will be extended to new lessees. Since provisions of MMDR Act and provisions for grant of above statuary clearances are govern by different statutes and separate ministries / departments, enforcement of this amendment may not help new lessees in undertaking mining operation without acquiring such clearances individually. If the Government acknowledges it is beyond control of applicant / lessees to acquire above statuary clearance in short period of time it is unfair on part of the Government, to declare the entire bunch of pending applications as lapsed (for not procuring said clearances by applicants in time), by amendment in section 10A of Act.
  3. By deleting Sub-Section (6) of Section 12A, the Government has now allowed to transfer mining leases, acquired otherwise through auction, by lessees, in favour of third parties (subject to additional payment to the State Government, mentioned in the “Sixth Schedule” of Act). Such lessees are at liberty to charge premium, from prospective transferee, for transfer of mining leases. This amendment will boost trading of mineral concessions 5. Long pending suggestion of mining industry for appropriate amendment in MMDR Act: Since the Central Government is authorised, under provisions of the Constitution, to take control of regulation and development of mines and minerals in India, suitable amendments should be made in MMDR Act authorising the Central Government to obtain all clearances required for undertaking mining operation, before any mineral block is made available for auction. The author is Mining Law Consultant and can be contacted at bhupesh.shukla@yahoo.com

Unconstructed safety net of construction workers in India

Media India Group | April 28, 2021

1 in 4 worker dies on construction sites: IIT Delhi study

Despite being the second-largest employer and present in almost every corner of the country, dismal conditions of workplace safety and health hazards of construction workers, leading to large-scale deaths, never make the headlines.

Every morning, groups of men and women squat on pavements in various streets of Delhi, hoping to find the day’s job. They carry their tools and often a measly meal in their bags. Their clothing worn and their skin leathery, the expressions on their faces are weary and resigned. These are construction workers of India, one of the largest sector for employment, but with practically no regulation over working conditions or workplace safety. Even in the national capital, the workers make barely INR 500 a day, and that too on a day that finds work as all of them do not manage to get work every day.

But even those who do manage to find work are not really fortunate ones as their workplace is often a dangerous, ill-equipped construction site. Construction is one of the most hazardous sectors in India, with an average of about 38 fatal accidents a day. Falls from heights, electrocutions and falling walls and scaffolding cause one in four Indian construction workers to die at construction sites, according to a 2019 study by the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Delhi.

“I am at the naka or at a site working all day. I cannot take care of her from there, so I prefer she comes with me and earns a bit for the house,” says Meena Ben Rathwa, holding her 14-year-old daughter Jhini’s hand, as they stand at Santnagar Naka in South Delhi, hoping to find work for the day.

Meena Ben and her husband Rajesh Rathwa are among the tens of millions of naka workers – casual workers who gather at a junction to get hired for daily wage work – employed in the construction sector, the fastest-growing and second-largest daily wage employer in India after agriculture. This has been Meena Ben’s livelihood for the past 13 years.

Little data on the huge sector
Nearly 50 million Indians worked in construction between 1983 and 2011-12, and the sector absorbs the largest proportion of rural workers surplus in agriculture. Workers at Santnagar say that despite the uncertainty, they prefer to work in the construction sector because work is more regularly available and wages slightly better than in agriculture.

As per the government of India, the construction sector contributes 9 pc of the GDP and employs 44 million workers, becoming the second-largest employer in India in 2017. “Surprisingly, while it is a huge number by all measures, the sector is also one where the workforce is forced to work in deplorable conditions with no provision of basic shelter, food, sanitation, safety, health care,” says Abhivyakti Raigarhi, a Delhi-based social worker who works with NGO Labourall.

Data on the sector is rare. A 2019 study by IIT Delhi says that around 48,000 people die at work in India every year, out of which 70 pc are construction workers. But Raigarhi says that the numbers may be highly understated as most cases of accidents or deaths at construction sites are not reported at all.

“If someone is injured and dies 15 days later in a hospital or at home, the connection between the accident and the death is very difficult to prove because the person was registered as injured. As more time passes, it becomes harder to establish responsibility,” she explains.

Expansion and management
Kumar Neeraj Jha, a civil engineering professor at IIT Delhi and author of Workplace deaths in India, describes the pattern of evasion of responsibility that repeats itself every time an accident occurs. “When a fatal accident takes place, the employer gets off by paying a small compensation to the families and conspires with police and labour inspectors to make the whole thing go away.”

Labourall says it is common for Indian companies not to invest in occupational safety because it’s cheaper to pay the puny compensation after accidents than to modernise their facilities to make them safer.

Professor Jha says that many agricultural labourers shift hastily towards the construction industry in anticipation of steadier or additional income. “They are hired from remote villages with the promise of a better lifestyle. However, once brought to the city, the workers are left to fend for themselves and provided almost no training, education, or safety mechanisms to protect themselves or their families,” he adds.

In order to curb the exploitation and provide for more safety and increase the effectiveness of employability structures and the benefits, two Central Acts came into being in 1996 – the Building and Other Constructions Workers (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act (popularly known as the BOCW Act) and the Building and Other Constructions Workers Welfare Cess Act.

Cyclic nature of problems
The BOCW Act is social welfare legislation that aims to benefit workers engaged in building and construction activities across the country. However, professor Jha says that intentions behind the Act are not fructified on the ground due to multiple reasons.

“Fundamentally, the guidelines of the Act are ambiguous whilst explaining the registration of the worker. With no clarity on who would monitor or authenticate the worker as a bonafide worker, workers face problems in the registration process,” Jha explains.

He further says that the trade unions, which mobilise and unite the labour force in the state also have the authority to authenticate the workers as bonafide. This creates space for malpractices in an area that can easily be regulated. Trade unions often also charge discriminatory prices for naive workers. The registration amount charged is sometimes up to 200 times more than the actual registration charge.

The same practice is often repeated when it comes to the annual renewal of registration. Also as workers often work on different sites with different contractors, their registrations are practically never permanent. “Most often, therefore, they prefer to remain undocumented. This is a process that needs to be looked over by the Labour Offices in order to ensure that registration rates don’t fall, and every worker is documented,” says Jha.

No training for risky tasks
Workers in the construction industry are also poorly trained because their employers know that they are easily replaced. “Their contractors don’t give them adequate training because they know that they are only there on a temporary basis, so they are not interested in investing in their training and safety,” explains professor Jha.

A report by the Delhi Institute of Human Development shows that less than 30 pc of workers have completed secondary education and that only one in 10 receives training specific to their work.

Labourall hopes the situation for workers would improve once the Covid-19 pandemic is under control. “Our efforts, however imperfect, is the first step in shining light on an aspect of the construction industry that most of its prominent stakeholders would rather ignore – a pervasive lack of safety, and an equally shocking lack of government oversight,” says Raigarhi who plans to have a meeting with labour unions regarding the issue as soon as the lockdown currently on in New Delhi ends.

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