फंड मिलने के बाद भी नहीं खरीदे ट्रामा वैन:2 ट्रामा वेन की खरीदने के लिए स्वास्थ्य विभाग को डीएमएफ मद से मिल चुके हैं 45 लाख रुपए

Dainik Bhaskar | Jan 2021

स्वास्थ्य विभाग को जिले में ट्रामा वेन की खरीदी के लिए स्वीकृति के साथ-साथ राशि मिल जाने के बाद भी विभाग द्वारा 18 माह बाद भी ट्रामा वैन की खरीदी नहीं कर पाया है। ट्रामा वैन की खरीदी स्वास्थ्य के फाइलों में ही दबी हुई है। जबकि इस वैन की घोषणा मुख्यमंत्री द्वारा किया गया था।

जिले में मुख्यमंत्री के घोषणा को भी अधिकारी कर्मचारी नजर अंदाज कर देते हैं। जिसका खामियाजा जिले के लोगों को भुगतना पड़ता है। प्रदेश के मुख्यमंत्री भूपेश बघेल 5 फरवरी 2019 को पहली बार कुनकुरी पहुंचे थे। जहां उन्होंने एक सम्मेलन को संबोधित करने के दौरान जिले में दो ट्रामा वैन उपलब्ध कराने की घोषणा की थी।

मुख्यमंत्री की घोषणा को अमलीजामा पहनाने के लिए संसदीय सचिव यूडी मिंज ने जून 2019 में स्वास्थ्य मंत्री टीएस सिंह देव से मुलाकात कर बजट आबंटित करने का अनुरोध किया था। इस पर उन्होंने खनिज न्यास निधि से ट्रामा वैन खरीदी की अनुशंसा कलेक्टर से की थी। स्वास्थ्य मंत्री के इस अनुशंसा पर जिले के प्रभारी मंत्री अमरजीत भगत ने ट्रामा वैन के लिए डीएमएफ मद से खरीदी के लिए 45 लाख रुपए स्वीकृति दिया था।

पूर्व में ट्रामा सेंटर को लेकर हुई थी राजनीति

जिले में ट्रामा सेंटर की मांग सालों से की जाती रही है। भाजपा के दिग्गज नेता दिवंगत दिलीप सिंह जूदेव की पहल पर तात्कालीन मुख्यमंत्री डॉ.रमन सिंह जशपुर में ट्रामा सेंटर निर्माण करने की स्वीकृति दी थी। लेकिन अगस्त 2013 में उनके निधन के बाद तात्कालीन स्वास्थ्य मंत्री अजय चंद्राकर ने इस प्रस्तावित ट्रामा केन्द्र को राजनांदगांव स्थानांतरित कर दिया था। उनके इस निर्णय का जिले में विरोध हुआ था। शहरवासियों ने कैंडल मार्च निकाल कर इसका विरोध किया था। कांग्रेस और भाजपा के बीच जमकर राजनीतिक हुई थी।

वैन खरीदी प्रक्रिया में

ट्रामा वैन की खरीदी प्रक्रिया में हैं, प्रक्रिया पूरी होते ही जिले में ट्रामा वैन की खरीदी कर ली जाएगी।”

-डॉ.पी सुथार, सीएमएचओ, जशपुर

Is Centre Violating Peoples’ Rights for Acquiring Coal-Bearing Land in Chhattisgarh?

News Click | Ayaskant Das | Jan 08, 2021
There is no clarity yet on whether gram sabhas will be consulted to acquire 700 acres of land for the Madanpur South Coal Block in Korba.

New Delhi: On December 24, 2020, the Central government invoked the Coal Bearing Areas (Acquisition & Development) Act, 1957 for acquiring over 700 hectares of land in tribal-dominated Korba district of Chhattisgarh, with no clarity yet on whether consent from gram sabhas will be sought through public consultations.

The land, sought to be acquired by the Union Coal Ministry, is for developing the greenfield Madanpur South Coal Block which had been allotted by the Central government to Andhra Pradesh Mineral Development Corporation (APMDC) in September 2016. The Aditya Birla Group’s mining arm, Essel Mining & Industries Limited, is the private Mine Developer and Operator (MDO) for the Madanpur South Block.

The coal block falls within the Hasdeo Arand area, a very dense and unfragmented stretch of natural forest that is rich in wildlife as well as coal reserves. The Chhattisgarh government has also proposed an elephant reserve spreading across this area which is, however, yet to be formally notified. It has been alleged that the land is being acquired bypassing powers of the state government as well as provisions meant to protect the rights of tribals.

“Madanpur South coal block falls in an area in Korba district designated as Schedule 5 under the Constitution of India due to its pre-ponderance of tribal population. By invoking the Coal Bearing Act for acquiring land in this area, the Central government is intending to bypass public consultations which are mandatory through gram sabhas for areas designated as Schedule 5,” said Alok Shukla of Chhattisgarh Bachao Andolan, a network of individuals and organisations fighting for peoples’ rights in the central Indian state.

The proportion of Scheduled Tribe population in Korba district is 40.90% in the Census of India data compiled for 2011. As per the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act or the PESA Act of 1996, it is mandatory for governments to conduct public consultations through gram sabhas before acquiring land in Schedule 5 areas. However, the Coal Bearing Areas (Acquisition & Development) Act, 1957, which pre-dates the PESA by nearly 40 years, does not contain provisions for conducting public consultations through gram sabhas.

Therefore, in accordance with Section 7 of the Coal Bearing Act, the Central government has, through its notification last month, only given the mandatory period of 30 days for the general public to submit objections, if any, over rights on any parcel of land that will be notified for acquisition in Korba.

However, as per legal experts, local people living for centuries over land that has now been allotted for coal mining have very little say once it is notified for acquisition under the Coal Bearing Act of 1957. Some legal experts Newsclick spoke to said that rights over land practically go out of the hands of people in any coal bearing area as soon as a notification under Section 4 (for exploration of coal) of the Coal Bearing Act is issued. Further, with the notification of Section 7 (intention to acquire) of the Act, the only rights of project-affected people are to file objections within 30 days and claim their compensation amounts.

However, the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, does contain special provisions for Scheduled tribes with regard to acquisition of land. The question, therefore, is: did the Central government bypass the 2013 Act, formulated by the erstwhile Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, to bypass the rights of the Scheduled tribes?

“The Coal Bearing Act, very much like the Atomic Energy Act of 1962, is based on the principle of eminent domain, whereby the government has the power to take over private land and convert it into public use. These Acts work on the premise that coal and uranium are needed for the country’s energy security. Therefore, all deposits of coal and uranium are legally kept under the control of the Centre,” Rashmi Katyayan, a Ranchi-based legal expert on land acquisition, told Newsclick.

Of the 712.02 hectares sought to be acquired for the Madanpur South Block, roughly 650 hectares fall under the category of forest land. Nearly 503 hectares comprise ‘protected forest’ area. Nevertheless, the Central government has, through its December 24 notification, also notified these 650 hectares of forest areas for prospecting of coal under the Coal Bearing Act of 1957.

Activists allege that in the process of acquiring land through the Coal Bearing Act, public consultations are sought to be bypassed by the Central government in violation of the Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006. Section 5 of the FRA bestows power upon gram sabhas to regulate access to community forest resources and stop any activity that adversely affects wild animals, forest, and biodiversity.

Besides, in the landmark Samata judgement of 1997, the Supreme Court had authorised the role of gram sabhas as democratic decision-making forums on issues of individual, community and cultural rights of tribals and traditional forest dwellers on forest land.

When asked by Newsclick on whether consent of gram sabhas will be taken before proceeding with land acquisition, Korba district collector Kiran Kaushal recused herself from making any comments on the issue. An official of the APMDC, however, said that a representation for conducting gram sabhas has been sent to the Korba district administration and that the dates for conducting the meetings have been twice deferred on account to one issue or another.

“We will not go for mining until and unless gram sabhas are held. A socio-economic assessment study has been conducted. Two villages are set to be affected by the mining project, namely, Ketma and Morga. The number of project-displaced families in Ketma is six, while the corresponding number for Morga village is 82. Nearly 90% of the population in these villages is Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes. We will take all measures to ensure that these families are resettled comfortably. Whatever compensation is required in terms of alienation from forest rights will be suitably settled. Around 19 persons from Morga village have already given their consent for the project and information in this regard has been sent to the Union Coal Ministry, the district administration of Korba and the chief minister’s office in Chhattisgarh,” said the APMDC official, on condition of anonymity.

An email sent to Essel Mining & Industries Limited asking it about what measures, if at all, will be taken to ensure that rights of local stakeholders are not compromised, is yet to elicit any response. Responses are also awaited from Union Coal Ministry on email queries asking about the logic behind invoking provisions of the Coal Bearing Act, 1957 to acquire land for developing Madanpur South Coal Block and whether consent of gram sabhas will be obtained before the acquisition. This article will be updated as and when Newsclick receives responses to these queries.

From October to December 2019, local residents from at least 20 villages in the Hasdeo Arand region had sat on a protest against land acquired using the Coal Bearing Act of 1957 for Parsa coal block in Chhattisgarh. Their demands included revoking of mining clearances granted to the Parsa block without consulting the gram sabhas.

It has been further alleged by activists that applying the Coal Bearing Act to acquire land for Madanpur South is legally questionable because the block has been awarded to a public sector undertaking belonging to another state government, that is, Andhra Pradesh, while mining operations will be carried out by a private developer.

“It is a direct affront on the federal structure of the country. The Central government is acting toward concentration of powers in its own hands in taking over land under the Coal Bearing Act in favour of State public sector units having long-term MDO agreements with private companies. The Central government already enjoys unilateral powers in allotment of coal blocks and also in providing environmental clearances as well as forest clearances for projects,” said Raipur-based environmental activist and lawyer Sudiep Shrivastava.

Ahead of the Chhattisgarh Assembly elections in 2018, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and the incumbent Chief Minister Bhupesh Bhagel had assured the electorate that no mining activities would be permitted in the state by violating rights of local people.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) Central government and the Congress government in Chhattisgarh have locked horns in the recent past over auction of coal blocks to private players for commercial mining. In June 2020, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the auction of 41 coal blocks for commercial mining by private players. However, this list was ultimately scaled down to 38 following vociferous opposition by the Congress government in Chhattisgarh against the auction of three blocks that are located in the densely forested areas of Hasdeo Arand. The Chhattisgarh government, has also, using powers vested to it in the Constitution, proposed the creation of an elephant reserve across Hasdeo Arand which may encompass several coal blocks that would make prospects of mining difficult in the area. This proposal, however, awaits a formal notification.

“The Central government is trying to assume absolute powers as far as coal mining is concerned because most of the coal-bearing states, including Chhattisgarh, are at present being ruled by political parties that are not aligned with the BJP-led NDA. However, it remains to be seen if the Chhattisgarh government agrees to submit proposal for Stage-I forest clearance for the project as the state government can still block the clearance,” added Shrivastava

MLAs target admin on DMF projects

The Indian Express | Dec 28, 2020

All of the leaders are ex-officio members of DMF. The move comes after the administration did not respond to a letter written by Tete three-anda- half months back.

ROURKELA: Legislators of mineral rich areas of Sundargarh have accused the district administration of keeping them in dark on projects funded by District Mineral Foundation (DMF) and Odisha Mineral Bearing Area Development Corporation (OMBADC).

Five MLAs from opposition parties Kusum Tete of Sundargarh, Bhawani Bhoi of Talsara and Shankar Oram of Birmitrapur, all from BJP, Dr CS Rajen Ekka of Rajgangpur (Congress) and Laxman Munda of Bonai (CPM) have joined hands and decided to meet Sundargarh Collector and DMF chairman-cum-managing trustee Nikhil Pawan Kalyan over the issue.

All of the leaders are ex-officio members of DMF. The move comes after the administration did not respond to a letter written by Tete three-anda- half months back. Tete had urged the Collector to provide details of projects funded from DMF, OMBADC, 14th finance commission and other Central grants along with utilisation status from 2017-18 till date.

The letter, dated September 8, also sought details of upcoming projects for better monitoring. The legislator said four of her counterparts have expressed concerns over massive expenditure undertaken from DMF in a non-transparent manner. She said in October this year, the development of ‘Bijuli Bandh’ a water body of Sundargarh town, was undertaken at a cost of Rs 25.90 crore from DMF.

However, the MLA was not given information on the project components and procedures followed in awarding the contract for the project. Tete said there are several such instances of the district administration acting on its own will and it owes an explanation to the public. She said the Collector has agreed to meet the MLAs over the issue in a week.

Similar allegations were levelled by Bonal MLA Munda, who said he was not informed of the available funds under DMF and the total expenditure incurred on projects so far. Stating that a major piped water project was started without his knowledge, he said lack of transparency can result in wasteful expenditure, misuse of funds and sub-standard quality of work and corruption. The Assembly constituencies of Tete and Munda contribute a lion’s share of mining royalty from the district to the State exchequer of which 30 per cent goes to the DMF.

AP Bauxite issue: A deep mine of tribal unrest, biz interests, eco concerns

The Federal | Suresh Dharur | Dec 26, 2020

Repeated attempts by successive governments in the past to take up bauxite mining in Visakhapatnam district had triggered anger among tribals. In fact, it has remained a political issue for long

Bauxite mining in Andhra Pradesh has been a touchy political issue for decades because of its far-reaching implications on environment and the livelihood of tribal communities.

The repeated attempts by successive governments in the past to take up bauxite mining in Visakhapatnam district had triggered anger among tribal communities. In fact, the issue was one of the key rallying points for the opposition parties as well.

Soon after taking over the reins of the state in May last year, Chief Minister YS Jagan Mohan Reddy ordered the withdrawal of a Government Order (GO) on bauxite mining and assured the tribals that his government would not take up mining in the district, which is a part of the environmentally fragile Eastern Ghats.

Back-door entry

However, the controversial issue is back in limelight with environmentalists and opposition parties expressing fears that the government was trying to facilitate a ‘back-door entry’ for mining magnets in the region.

The reasons for new apprehensions are not far to seek: The YSR Congress government is preparing the ground for allowing commencement of operations of alumina refinery in the district by Anrak Aluminium Ltd.

The ruling party’s parliamentary wing leader V Vijayasai Reddy publicly stated that the private refinery would be allowed to operate with bauxite ore to be sourced from Odisha and abroad.

This statement has triggered fears that the government was ‘stealthily preparing the ground’ for bauxite mining in the state.

“We will not allow bauxite mining at any cost,” said Ravi Rebbapragada, the executive director of Samata, a local NGO which has been waging a prolonged legal battle against mining in the region.

The Supreme Court had in the past made it clear that either the State, its instrumentalities or the tribal themselves forming into cooperatives have right over forest resources in the scheduled areas.

Though Anrak Aluminium Ltd, a joint venture of Ras-al-Khaimah Investment Authority (RAKIA) and Penna Group, completed the works on the 1.5 million tonne refinery long ago with an investment of Rs 5,000 crore to Rs 6,000 crore, it could not start operations for want of bauxite ore. The refinery is located in Makavarapalem mandal, about 80 km from Visakhapatnam.

In the combined Andhra Pradesh, the then Congress government, headed by Jagan’s father YS Rajasekhar Reddy, had decided in 2005 to allot bauxite mining to AP Mineral Development Corporate and supply the ore to Jindal South West Aluminium Ltd and Anrak Aluminium Ltd, floated by Ras-al-Khaimah Investment Authority (RAKIA) and its Indian partner Penna Group.

However, the MoU was cancelled in 2015 following widespread protests from tribal groups and the opposition parties. This led to the filing of an international arbitration by RAKIA against the Centre and state governments. The government recently formed a committee with senior officials to arrive at an out of court settlement with Anrak.

“There was no provision for arbitration in the agreement. The private operator should be allowed in the mining and refinery areas keeping in view the environmental pollution,” the former union energy secretary and noted environmentalist E A S Sarma said.

“The refinery will cause damage to the environment. Any attempt to start it will face stiff resistance from people,” warned the local CPI (M) secretary K Lokanadham.

Independent probe

Sarma sought an independent investigation by Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) and Special Enforcement Bureau (SEB) into the alleged illegal mining of bauxite in East Godavari and Visakhapatnam districts.

“I have been cautioning the government about private individuals and companies extracting bauxite in the guise of laterite. It may be noted bauxite mining is restricted to the public sector and to tribal cooperatives as directed by the Supreme Court in the Samata judgement years ago,” the retired IAS officer said.

In a bid to circumvent this restriction, the private miners, in collusion with the local mining officials, have been producing false analysis certificates to show that the bauxite they are extracting and exporting to alumina refineries is indeed laterite.

As per the Indian Bureau of Mines (IBM) report, any aluminous mineral ore containing more than 30 per cent aluminium is defined as bauxite.

However, the State Mines department has been granting leases for “laterite” mining, thus allowing the miners to go scot-free, Sarma pointed out. He alleged that many mining leases granted in Visakhapatnam and East Godavari actually involved illegal bauxite extraction.

As per the original plan, drawn up in 2005, the state-owned APMDC was to undertake the mining in 1,212 hectares of reserve forest area in Chintapalle and Jerella blocks of Visakhapatnam district.

However, the subsequent governments chose not to go ahead with the proposal due to widespread opposition in the region.

“Minerals like bauxite/alumina are scarce resources. Aluminium is a strategic metal that is used widely in the aviation industry and other manufacturing processes in the west. The price at which Indian miners export alumina is several times lower than the global price, which implies enormous scope for corruption and black money generation,” Sarma said.

Dhanbad DC orders audit of utilisation of DMFT funds

The Indian Express | Dec 22, 2020

The order asks a committee to submit its report by December 26.

Dhanbad Deputy Commissioner Uma Shankar Singh has ordered an audit and an impact assessment of utilisation of funds from the District Mineral Foundation Trust (DMFT) for the financial years 2017-2020. A letter issued by Singh asked for the audit as DMFT funds were being used for “buying of water tankers (and) sweeping machines”.

The order asks a committee to submit its report by December 26.

A source in the Mines Department said water tankers and sweeping machines are “lying unused” and the manner of the utilisation of DMFT funds indicated “major corruption”.

As per the Mine and Minerals Development Regulation (Amendment) Act, 2015, in every district affected by mining-related operations, the state government shall, by notification, establish a trust as a non-profit body to be called the District Mineral Foundation.

Internal documents accessed by The Indian Express says that since the DMFT was formed in 2015, the total collection of the trust in Jharkhand was Rs 6189.4 crore as of November 2020, of which 2922.97 crore has been spent so far. They say that 66.79 per cent of this collection has been utilised in two districts alone — Dhanbad and Ramgarh.

In Jharkhand, the Drinking Water and Sanitation Department accounts for around 91 per cent of total DMFT amount spent.

According to the DMFT collections and utilisation data accessed by The Indian Express, 16,746 schemes or projects took shape under the drinking water category, which have around 32 lakh beneficiaries, with Rs 3,973 crore sanctioned under this category, of which Rs 2265.99 crore has been spent.

Under the sanitisation category, 17 projects have been initiated, which benefited 7.9 lakh people. An amount of Rs 480.20 crore was sanctioned, of which Rs 377.11 crore has been spent.

A PIL has also been filed in the High Court on the utilisation of DMFT funds on people affected by mining who do not have access to safe drinking water.

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