No plan to increase coal royalty for Odisha: Union minister Pralhad Joshi

The New Indian Express | Feb 11, 2021
The Centre has made it clear that there is no plan to increase royalty on coal and non-coal minerals for states like Odisha.

BHUBANESWAR: The Centre has made it clear that there is no plan to increase royalty on coal and non-coal minerals for states like Odisha. Replying to a question from Sasmit Patra (BJD), Union Minister for Coal and Mines Pralhad Joshi told Rajya Sabha that at present, states concerned are collecting royalty at 14 per cent (pc) ad-valorem on price of coal.

In addition, contribution towards District Mineral Foundation (DMF) at 30 pc of the royalty in respect of mining leases granted before January 12, 2015 and 10 pc on or after January 12, 2015 is also being collected by the states.

The Minister said due to ad-valorem nature of rates of royalty, there is increase in revenue to the coal producing states as and when price of coal increases. The decision has been taken basing the report of a study group constituted on July 21, 2014 for examining the issue of revision of royalty rates on coal and lignite.

The study group had submitted its report suggesting no change in the rates of royalty which the Centre accepted, he said. Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik during a virtual meeting with Joshi and Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan in December 2020 had made a strong plea for revision of royalty for coal and non-coal minerals.

Sundargarh DMF fund finds way to non-priority sectors

The New Indian Express | Jan 16, 2021

When it comes to using the District Mineral Foundation (DMF) fund, Sundargarh district appears to have a soft corner for Rourkela.

ROURKELA: When it comes to using the District Mineral Foundation (DMF) fund, Sundargarh district appears to have a soft corner for Rourkela. The DMF guidelines are clear about priority and non-priority areas but DMF funds find their way to the Steel City which is neither directly nor indirectly affected by mining, a criteria for spending the funds.

Last year, when Rourkela Police unveiled a fleet of 25 brand new Innova Crystas to patrol the roads of Rourkela, eyebrows were raised because the multi utility vehicles were procured using 4.65 crore from the DMF. Of the 25 MUVs, 20 are meant for Rourkela while five are deployed in Bonai sub-division. Interestingly, before that the district administration is learnt to have spent 25.52 lakh from DMF pool for what it called ‘engagement of police patrolling and traffic management’ for Rourkela city, reveals information secured through RTI. How the new vehicles helped police intensify patrol is another story, given the spate of crimes that rocked the Steel City last year.

RTI activist Rashmi Ranjan Padhi citing the RTI reply said the administration spent ` 25.52 lakh towards ‘engagement of police patrolling and traffic management’ in Rourkela Municipal Corporation (RMC) limits but details were not provided, not even year of expenditure. However, reliable sources informed that the expenditure was incurred during 2017-18 towards hiring of police patrol vehicle for Rourkela.

“Rourkela city is not directly or indirectly affected by mining operation. Besides, using DMF on swanky MUVs and police patrolling makes very little sense,” said Padhi, who also is former Secretary of Odisha Pradesh Congress Committee (OPCC).As per available information, the total collection of Sundargarh DMF stood at 2,133.27 crore till June 30, 2020. Till then, at least 2,094.12 crore was spent or work orders awarded against 3,672 projects. Padhi claims that many of the spendings do not comply to DMF norms.

The mineral foundation released 78.56 lakh towards construction of main gate, boundary wall and 30 shops at Madri Kalo Bhawan of Sundargarh town. Similarly, approval was given for 64.99 lakh towards construction of boundary wall of a truck terminal at Amlipali in Sundargarh town in February 2019. In July 2020, ` 49.12 lakh was sanctioned towards raising of boundary wall and barbed fencing of Circuit House of Sundargarh town. Sundargarh Collector and DMF Chairman-Cum-Managing-Trustee Nikhil Pawan Kalyan did not reply to written request for comment.

Where is the DMF money meant for people living in mining areas going?

Mongabay | Mayank Aggarwal | 14 January 2021

In 2015, the Indian government introduced a mechanism for establishing the District Mineral Foundations (DMF) which were to drive developmental work in the mining-affected areas.
Over Rs 400 billion have been collected in the fund so far but the implementation remains poor with civil society leaders and experts complaining that transparency in use of this fund and involvement of local communities is missing.
Experts advise that for the DMF mechanism to succeed, districts must focus on the delivery of services rather than a spree of creating only infrastructure, engage local partners for implementation and focus on livelihoods based on natural resources to improve the local economy.
In Madhya Pradesh’s Singrauli district, one of the biggest and most polluted coal mining and thermal power hubs in the country, funds meant to drive development for the people living there, have been used for the construction of an air-strip. For communities that have been bearing the brunt of mining pollution, development in the form of a space for aircrafts to land, reflects the imbalance between the purpose and implementation of the District Mineral Foundation (DMF) funds.

DMFs were introduced in January 2015 by the government of India in all districts in the country affected by mining-related operations. The provision was hailed as a golden pill for the upliftment of such areas. Now, six years later, it has failed to deliver on its promise and is stuck in a bureaucratic- and politician-heavy approach.

The provision was brought through the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Ordinance, 2015 which called for establishing the DMFs in all mining-affected districts and using funds collected under this for the welfare of people of such areas. It was followed by the government, in February 2015, introducing the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2015 to amend the 1957 version of the law in Lok Sabha which passed it in March 2015.

In September 2015, the government notified the rates of contribution payable by miners into the DMFs. It said in case of all mining leases executed before January 12, 2015, miners will have to contribute an amount equal to 30 percent of the royalty payable by them while in case of mining leases granted after that, the rate of contribution would be 10 percent of the royalty payable.

Following this, by now, the DMFs have been constituted in 574 districts in 21 states with about Rs. 41,650 crore (Rs. 416 billion) till September 2020.

The exact composition and functions of the DMFs were to be decided by the state governments but the amendment of the law had specified that use of this fund has to be in line with the provisions of the Panchayats (Extensions to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 and Forest Rights Act, 2006. Experts and civil society leaders note that it has not been the case.

Srestha Banerjee, who works as the natural resources programme lead with the International Forum for Environment, Sustainability and Technology (iForest), a think-tank working on environmental and sustainability issues, noted that government’s approach to ensuring the use of the money available under the DMF mechanism is top-heavy where the trusts responsible for their use are dominated by officials and politicians.

“This packing of the DMF body with politicians and officials who are to take decisions on how the DMF money should be used, with little representation of the local people ensures that the true spirit of the DMFs is not reflected in the projects that are decided in mining-affected areas. The idea enshrined in the law related to DMF was to ensure that it is used for the welfare of ming affected communities, including tribal and forest-dwelling communities, by including them in the decision-making process. The law thus required DMFs to function in line with our Constitutional provisions as related to Scheduled areas, the FRA and PESA. But that has not happened and that is among the biggest problems of the DMF so far.”

Chinmayi Shalya, an independent researcher, who has worked on the issue of DMF, said “DMF is a very special fund” as it was “created to benefit a specific section of people – the mining-affected communities” and because “it is not tied to any specific scheme or specific area of work.”

“The fund does not lapse at the end of a financial year, like many other funds. It keeps accumulating in the DMF Trust account. These provisions give a huge scope to plan its use for more than what other schemes provide for, improve and expand upon what already exists and innovate beyond that as well,” Shalya told Mongabay-India.

In India, the share of the mining and quarrying sector is less than two percent of the country’s gross domestic product right now but the government aims to at least double by 2023. Without effective transition policies, ambition could negatively impact the communities living in and around mining-affected areas.

In many mining areas across the country, the lives of the affected communities and biodiversity including forest and water bodies have undergone a transition for the worse. People are facing pollution of their natural resources and their agriculture yield has been impacted. The development that was promised to them in lieu of minerals being extracted from their land has not reached them.

The governments have realised that the transition of mining areas has not been ‘just’ for many people. In December 2020, while speaking at a function of the Confederation of the Indian Industry, Chairman and Managing Director of Coal India Limited Pramod Agrawal said that in order to help grow the mining activity, it needs to be sustainable through reducing air, water pollution and reducing the carbon footprint.

Funds under the DMFs were meant to bring a positive transition in the lives of such communities but the programme seems to be derailing.

The use, misuse and abuse of the DMFs
The years gone by are in fact a witness of many stories of DMF’s use, misuse and abuse.

For instance, Rajesh Tripathi of Chhattisgarh-based Jan Chetna Manch, a social group working for the mining-affected people, said over Rs. 250 crore (Rs. 2.5 billion) were collected for Raigarh district under the DMF-related provision but there is no transparency on how it was used.

“According to DMF rules, the funds collected were to be used for the benefit of mining-affected people but a major portion of this fund has been used in other areas of the district which have nothing to do with mining. It happened because the bodies that are tasked with use of this fund are headed by a legislator of that area,” Tripathi told Mongabay-India.

He said these bodies driving the use of DMF funds are led and controlled by politicians and district administration with zero participation of the locals who have no idea about this fund. “There is absolutely zero transparency and accountability. When we sensitise villagers about it we realise that no work has been done by the government to spread awareness about this fund among villagers,” Tripathi said.

He emphasises that the DMF implementation mechanism talked about provision of conducting a social audit of the works granted under it. “In Raigarh, about 950 projects were sanctioned and of that, about 450 have been completed but their social audit has not yet been conducted,” said Tripathi.

Chinmayi Shalya said, “Currently, most of the DMF use across mining districts in the country shows that the fund is used mostly for physical infrastructure for which other departmental funds are available.”

“This shows a lack of planning or even a basic need-assessment at the district level for optimal and effective use of DMF funds. There is a glaring lack of attention towards improving the well-being of mining-communities through better investments in healthcare, nutrition, availability of clean water and creating income security,” she said.

Shalya cited a recent example of Madhya Pradesh’s Singrauli district, one of the biggest and most polluted coal mining and thermal power hubs in the country, where a part of DMF funds was used for the construction of an air-strip.

“This is brazen misuse of a fund meant for communities which have been bearing the brunt of not only poor amenities and facilities, but also saddled for generations with effects of air, water and soil pollution,” she said.

However, there are some good examples as well that shows how the fund can be used constructively.

“For instance, Keonjhar and Sundargarh districts in Odisha have used DMF funds for local livelihoods through millets … they are using the produce to add millet-based foods in the ICDS (Integrated Child Development Services) scheme for better dietary diversity and nutrition. Bijapur and Dantewada districts in Chhattisgarh set up IPHS (Indian Public Health Standards) compliant hospitals with full staff and doctors through the DMFs,” she noted.

In fact, in August-September 2020, the central government proposed mining reforms that talked about the use of the DMF fund for creating tangible assets in mining-affected areas – something that experts criticised stating that this will be misused and the mining-affected communities will be deprived of this money.

Poor participation of mining-affected communities
One of the main reasons highlighted by experts in the proper use of the DMFs funds is that the money spent is being decided by bodies packed by bureaucrats with negligible participation of local communities.

Amarendra Das of the School of Humanities and Social Sciences at the Indian government’s National Institute of Science Education and Research (NISER), explained that the issues with DMF are multifaceted. “The money under the DMF was supposed to be used by the local bodies in villages and districts in accordance with their needs. But the process is hampered by bureaucracy, who instead of allowing the usage of funds in a decentralised manner, is pushing big projects on block and district level.”

“For example, rather than every village having their own drinking water system or local interventions that generate local employment and involve local decision making, the officials are calling for mega drinking water projects which get stuck on one level or another, decided without the involvement of villagers and devoid the locals of work and earning opportunities. Many times such projects get stuck and remain incomplete,” Das told Mongabay-India.

“There is a clear problem of mismanagement as a result of which, the mining-affected communities don’t get the benefit of the fund that was collected after taking away their resources,” he said.

DMF funds may not be reaching mining-affected communities
Of the Rs. 416 billion collected under the DMFs (till September 2020), about Rs. 177.66 billion have been spent. But experts note that the money is not being spent in conformity with the idea it was created for.

iForest’s Srestha Banerjee remarked that the “DMFs are operating with little knowledge of people who are the beneficiaries, even as data related to the funds under it etc was supposed to be shared with the public at large.”

“So far, most of the states and districts have failed to optimize the opportunity to address the injustice with the mining-affected communities. DMF is being treated as any other development or infrastructure fund while it is far beyond that. The spirit of DMF is natural resource benefit sharing. ” she said.

Chinmayi Shalya said for DMFs to function effectively, the decision making “needs to involve mining-affected people, the directly affected areas and affected people need to be clearly identified and notified.”

“A long-term planning exercise needs to be mandated so that funds are used wisely and no duplication with other schemes happens. Districts must be equipped with resources and expertise to plan effectively and improve upon and go beyond the existing public welfare schemes. Awareness and capacity of local communities should be built to partake in decisions and monitor the works under DMF,” she said.

She stressed that for the DMF mechanism to succeed, districts must focus on the delivery of services rather than a spree of creating only infrastructure, engage local partners for implementation. Livelihoods, with a focus on natural resources like forests, agriculture etc, as they will be key in improving local economy and incomes.

Is Centre Violating Peoples’ Rights for Acquiring Coal-Bearing Land in Chhattisgarh?

News Click | Ayaskant Das | Jan 08, 2021
There is no clarity yet on whether gram sabhas will be consulted to acquire 700 acres of land for the Madanpur South Coal Block in Korba.

New Delhi: On December 24, 2020, the Central government invoked the Coal Bearing Areas (Acquisition & Development) Act, 1957 for acquiring over 700 hectares of land in tribal-dominated Korba district of Chhattisgarh, with no clarity yet on whether consent from gram sabhas will be sought through public consultations.

The land, sought to be acquired by the Union Coal Ministry, is for developing the greenfield Madanpur South Coal Block which had been allotted by the Central government to Andhra Pradesh Mineral Development Corporation (APMDC) in September 2016. The Aditya Birla Group’s mining arm, Essel Mining & Industries Limited, is the private Mine Developer and Operator (MDO) for the Madanpur South Block.

The coal block falls within the Hasdeo Arand area, a very dense and unfragmented stretch of natural forest that is rich in wildlife as well as coal reserves. The Chhattisgarh government has also proposed an elephant reserve spreading across this area which is, however, yet to be formally notified. It has been alleged that the land is being acquired bypassing powers of the state government as well as provisions meant to protect the rights of tribals.

“Madanpur South coal block falls in an area in Korba district designated as Schedule 5 under the Constitution of India due to its pre-ponderance of tribal population. By invoking the Coal Bearing Act for acquiring land in this area, the Central government is intending to bypass public consultations which are mandatory through gram sabhas for areas designated as Schedule 5,” said Alok Shukla of Chhattisgarh Bachao Andolan, a network of individuals and organisations fighting for peoples’ rights in the central Indian state.

The proportion of Scheduled Tribe population in Korba district is 40.90% in the Census of India data compiled for 2011. As per the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act or the PESA Act of 1996, it is mandatory for governments to conduct public consultations through gram sabhas before acquiring land in Schedule 5 areas. However, the Coal Bearing Areas (Acquisition & Development) Act, 1957, which pre-dates the PESA by nearly 40 years, does not contain provisions for conducting public consultations through gram sabhas.

Therefore, in accordance with Section 7 of the Coal Bearing Act, the Central government has, through its notification last month, only given the mandatory period of 30 days for the general public to submit objections, if any, over rights on any parcel of land that will be notified for acquisition in Korba.

However, as per legal experts, local people living for centuries over land that has now been allotted for coal mining have very little say once it is notified for acquisition under the Coal Bearing Act of 1957. Some legal experts Newsclick spoke to said that rights over land practically go out of the hands of people in any coal bearing area as soon as a notification under Section 4 (for exploration of coal) of the Coal Bearing Act is issued. Further, with the notification of Section 7 (intention to acquire) of the Act, the only rights of project-affected people are to file objections within 30 days and claim their compensation amounts.

However, the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, does contain special provisions for Scheduled tribes with regard to acquisition of land. The question, therefore, is: did the Central government bypass the 2013 Act, formulated by the erstwhile Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, to bypass the rights of the Scheduled tribes?

“The Coal Bearing Act, very much like the Atomic Energy Act of 1962, is based on the principle of eminent domain, whereby the government has the power to take over private land and convert it into public use. These Acts work on the premise that coal and uranium are needed for the country’s energy security. Therefore, all deposits of coal and uranium are legally kept under the control of the Centre,” Rashmi Katyayan, a Ranchi-based legal expert on land acquisition, told Newsclick.

Of the 712.02 hectares sought to be acquired for the Madanpur South Block, roughly 650 hectares fall under the category of forest land. Nearly 503 hectares comprise ‘protected forest’ area. Nevertheless, the Central government has, through its December 24 notification, also notified these 650 hectares of forest areas for prospecting of coal under the Coal Bearing Act of 1957.

Activists allege that in the process of acquiring land through the Coal Bearing Act, public consultations are sought to be bypassed by the Central government in violation of the Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006. Section 5 of the FRA bestows power upon gram sabhas to regulate access to community forest resources and stop any activity that adversely affects wild animals, forest, and biodiversity.

Besides, in the landmark Samata judgement of 1997, the Supreme Court had authorised the role of gram sabhas as democratic decision-making forums on issues of individual, community and cultural rights of tribals and traditional forest dwellers on forest land.

When asked by Newsclick on whether consent of gram sabhas will be taken before proceeding with land acquisition, Korba district collector Kiran Kaushal recused herself from making any comments on the issue. An official of the APMDC, however, said that a representation for conducting gram sabhas has been sent to the Korba district administration and that the dates for conducting the meetings have been twice deferred on account to one issue or another.

“We will not go for mining until and unless gram sabhas are held. A socio-economic assessment study has been conducted. Two villages are set to be affected by the mining project, namely, Ketma and Morga. The number of project-displaced families in Ketma is six, while the corresponding number for Morga village is 82. Nearly 90% of the population in these villages is Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes. We will take all measures to ensure that these families are resettled comfortably. Whatever compensation is required in terms of alienation from forest rights will be suitably settled. Around 19 persons from Morga village have already given their consent for the project and information in this regard has been sent to the Union Coal Ministry, the district administration of Korba and the chief minister’s office in Chhattisgarh,” said the APMDC official, on condition of anonymity.

An email sent to Essel Mining & Industries Limited asking it about what measures, if at all, will be taken to ensure that rights of local stakeholders are not compromised, is yet to elicit any response. Responses are also awaited from Union Coal Ministry on email queries asking about the logic behind invoking provisions of the Coal Bearing Act, 1957 to acquire land for developing Madanpur South Coal Block and whether consent of gram sabhas will be obtained before the acquisition. This article will be updated as and when Newsclick receives responses to these queries.

From October to December 2019, local residents from at least 20 villages in the Hasdeo Arand region had sat on a protest against land acquired using the Coal Bearing Act of 1957 for Parsa coal block in Chhattisgarh. Their demands included revoking of mining clearances granted to the Parsa block without consulting the gram sabhas.

It has been further alleged by activists that applying the Coal Bearing Act to acquire land for Madanpur South is legally questionable because the block has been awarded to a public sector undertaking belonging to another state government, that is, Andhra Pradesh, while mining operations will be carried out by a private developer.

“It is a direct affront on the federal structure of the country. The Central government is acting toward concentration of powers in its own hands in taking over land under the Coal Bearing Act in favour of State public sector units having long-term MDO agreements with private companies. The Central government already enjoys unilateral powers in allotment of coal blocks and also in providing environmental clearances as well as forest clearances for projects,” said Raipur-based environmental activist and lawyer Sudiep Shrivastava.

Ahead of the Chhattisgarh Assembly elections in 2018, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and the incumbent Chief Minister Bhupesh Bhagel had assured the electorate that no mining activities would be permitted in the state by violating rights of local people.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) Central government and the Congress government in Chhattisgarh have locked horns in the recent past over auction of coal blocks to private players for commercial mining. In June 2020, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the auction of 41 coal blocks for commercial mining by private players. However, this list was ultimately scaled down to 38 following vociferous opposition by the Congress government in Chhattisgarh against the auction of three blocks that are located in the densely forested areas of Hasdeo Arand. The Chhattisgarh government, has also, using powers vested to it in the Constitution, proposed the creation of an elephant reserve across Hasdeo Arand which may encompass several coal blocks that would make prospects of mining difficult in the area. This proposal, however, awaits a formal notification.

“The Central government is trying to assume absolute powers as far as coal mining is concerned because most of the coal-bearing states, including Chhattisgarh, are at present being ruled by political parties that are not aligned with the BJP-led NDA. However, it remains to be seen if the Chhattisgarh government agrees to submit proposal for Stage-I forest clearance for the project as the state government can still block the clearance,” added Shrivastava

AP Bauxite issue: A deep mine of tribal unrest, biz interests, eco concerns

The Federal | Suresh Dharur | Dec 26, 2020

Repeated attempts by successive governments in the past to take up bauxite mining in Visakhapatnam district had triggered anger among tribals. In fact, it has remained a political issue for long

Bauxite mining in Andhra Pradesh has been a touchy political issue for decades because of its far-reaching implications on environment and the livelihood of tribal communities.

The repeated attempts by successive governments in the past to take up bauxite mining in Visakhapatnam district had triggered anger among tribal communities. In fact, the issue was one of the key rallying points for the opposition parties as well.

Soon after taking over the reins of the state in May last year, Chief Minister YS Jagan Mohan Reddy ordered the withdrawal of a Government Order (GO) on bauxite mining and assured the tribals that his government would not take up mining in the district, which is a part of the environmentally fragile Eastern Ghats.

Back-door entry

However, the controversial issue is back in limelight with environmentalists and opposition parties expressing fears that the government was trying to facilitate a ‘back-door entry’ for mining magnets in the region.

The reasons for new apprehensions are not far to seek: The YSR Congress government is preparing the ground for allowing commencement of operations of alumina refinery in the district by Anrak Aluminium Ltd.

The ruling party’s parliamentary wing leader V Vijayasai Reddy publicly stated that the private refinery would be allowed to operate with bauxite ore to be sourced from Odisha and abroad.

This statement has triggered fears that the government was ‘stealthily preparing the ground’ for bauxite mining in the state.

“We will not allow bauxite mining at any cost,” said Ravi Rebbapragada, the executive director of Samata, a local NGO which has been waging a prolonged legal battle against mining in the region.

The Supreme Court had in the past made it clear that either the State, its instrumentalities or the tribal themselves forming into cooperatives have right over forest resources in the scheduled areas.

Though Anrak Aluminium Ltd, a joint venture of Ras-al-Khaimah Investment Authority (RAKIA) and Penna Group, completed the works on the 1.5 million tonne refinery long ago with an investment of Rs 5,000 crore to Rs 6,000 crore, it could not start operations for want of bauxite ore. The refinery is located in Makavarapalem mandal, about 80 km from Visakhapatnam.

In the combined Andhra Pradesh, the then Congress government, headed by Jagan’s father YS Rajasekhar Reddy, had decided in 2005 to allot bauxite mining to AP Mineral Development Corporate and supply the ore to Jindal South West Aluminium Ltd and Anrak Aluminium Ltd, floated by Ras-al-Khaimah Investment Authority (RAKIA) and its Indian partner Penna Group.

However, the MoU was cancelled in 2015 following widespread protests from tribal groups and the opposition parties. This led to the filing of an international arbitration by RAKIA against the Centre and state governments. The government recently formed a committee with senior officials to arrive at an out of court settlement with Anrak.

“There was no provision for arbitration in the agreement. The private operator should be allowed in the mining and refinery areas keeping in view the environmental pollution,” the former union energy secretary and noted environmentalist E A S Sarma said.

“The refinery will cause damage to the environment. Any attempt to start it will face stiff resistance from people,” warned the local CPI (M) secretary K Lokanadham.

Independent probe

Sarma sought an independent investigation by Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) and Special Enforcement Bureau (SEB) into the alleged illegal mining of bauxite in East Godavari and Visakhapatnam districts.

“I have been cautioning the government about private individuals and companies extracting bauxite in the guise of laterite. It may be noted bauxite mining is restricted to the public sector and to tribal cooperatives as directed by the Supreme Court in the Samata judgement years ago,” the retired IAS officer said.

In a bid to circumvent this restriction, the private miners, in collusion with the local mining officials, have been producing false analysis certificates to show that the bauxite they are extracting and exporting to alumina refineries is indeed laterite.

As per the Indian Bureau of Mines (IBM) report, any aluminous mineral ore containing more than 30 per cent aluminium is defined as bauxite.

However, the State Mines department has been granting leases for “laterite” mining, thus allowing the miners to go scot-free, Sarma pointed out. He alleged that many mining leases granted in Visakhapatnam and East Godavari actually involved illegal bauxite extraction.

As per the original plan, drawn up in 2005, the state-owned APMDC was to undertake the mining in 1,212 hectares of reserve forest area in Chintapalle and Jerella blocks of Visakhapatnam district.

However, the subsequent governments chose not to go ahead with the proposal due to widespread opposition in the region.

“Minerals like bauxite/alumina are scarce resources. Aluminium is a strategic metal that is used widely in the aviation industry and other manufacturing processes in the west. The price at which Indian miners export alumina is several times lower than the global price, which implies enormous scope for corruption and black money generation,” Sarma said.

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